Tag Archives: Indigenous Archaeology

Rippin’ Report

Hey guys, for the next couple of weeks I’ll be writing blog posts about a research report for my University degree, but before I go into too much detail I better introduce myself for those who don’t known me. Hi, my name is Nicole Monk and I’m currently undertaking a Directed Studies topic in my Graduate Diploma of Archaeology at Flinders University (this topic gives students the chance to complete research to better prepare themselves for the workforce and to work with industry partners). After looking through a list of potential areas to study, provided by the department, I decided on researching Highbury’s Torrens Linear Park, a location that I had never been to or heard about.

A few days after confirming my choice I received an email providing me with contact details of my industry partner and a template for my research, which would involve an archival study of Highbury’s Torrens Linear Park to determine the significance of the local area and the rockshelters located within the park.

After a few more days I eagerly drove the 40 minutes to meet my industry partner, Lea Crosby, at the Florey Reconciliation Task Force to find out what was expected from the research and to seek out any information that was held in the office. The information that I was given at the office was minimal, as many would know in the archaeological field, information regarding Indigenous people is often limited, and having too much information would have made the study pointless. At the conclusion of the meeting Lea and I organised to go on a tour of the Park so that I could have an understanding of the overall shape and scope of the study, which will be in my next post.

Following this meeting I was rushed out the door because it was a Friday, and let’s face it who doesn’t want to leave early on a Friday?

Uncommissioned, Commissioned and Official: a different approach to contemporary graffiti

Distinguishing ‘legal’ public art from ‘illegal’ urban art, or ‘graffiti’, was a major theme that I addressed in my Honours thesis, Convenient Canvasses: an archaeology of social identity and contemporary graffiti in Jawoyn country, Northern Territory, Australia, which I submitted a few weeks ago. I have noticed a recent increase in the number of posts on this blog, including those of fellow students Susan Arthure and Daniel Petraccaro, which discuss ‘graffiti’ and its place in heritage and archaeology. I thought I would join in.

Throughout my research I approached graffiti as a vital artefact in the understanding of social identity and its capacity as a vehicle for protest against governmental policy, such as the Northern Territory National Emergency Response Act 2007. Essentially, I treated the contemporary graffiti of Jawoyn country as ancient landscape-markings, and the graffiti supports as though they were rock shelters. I did not want to approach the graffiti as though they were a manifestation of anti-social behaviour.

I treated these corrugated iron shelters, which featured between 52 and 205 uncommissioned graffiti motifs, as though they were ancient landscape-marking shelters.

My research took place in Jawoyn country in the Northern Territory, where landscape-marking, or ‘rock-art’ has been practiced as a form of communication for thousands of years*. This landscape-marking tradition continues today in Jawoyn country, however we refer to it as ‘graffiti’. My research focused on a particular type of graffiti: the seemingly illegal, opportunistic markings that individuals scribbled, scratched, sprayed, or wrote on surfaces in the natural and built landscapes; however I encountered several other graffiti types as well.

The superimposition of discriminatory uncommissioned graffiti over commissioned graffiti.

During the data collection, while examining a mural in the Barunga community, I began to think about the definition of graffiti and I asked myself: is this really a commissioned mural, or has someone painted it there without permission? Is it graffiti? My understanding of the term ‘graffiti’ evolved over the next few months to include ‘street art’, public art and regulatory signage, such as the example above. There is a whole section in my thesis dedicated to defining graffiti and the justification of that definition, which you can find by downloading a copy here. In the context of my research, graffiti is defined as a form of visual communication and intended human-made marking that occurs publicly on any fixed surface in the natural and built landscapes. Regardless of form, material, technique, legality and social and cultural acceptances, graffiti is communication through landscape-marking be it ‘uncommissioned’, ‘commissioned’ or ‘official’ graffiti.  The difference between these graffiti categories is in the authorship.

Uncommissioned graffiti: markings that do not have appropriate permissions. These are the uncensored and uninstitutionalised markings made by individuals as intra-group (within a group) and inter-group (between groups) messages, often in the form of, but in no way limited to, the ‘tags’ one would find spray-painted on a wall or train. Much of the graffiti in this classification can be construed as vandalism. Practitioners of this landscape-marking behaviour do so to associate and communicate with other members of a group, to propagate personal ideals or even to demarcate boundaries and eternalise their presence.

Commissioned graffiti: public art and advertising such as authorised murals, sculptures, statues, billboards and posters. This is a negotiated community action involving intra-group and inter-group messaging. Prior permission is sought for commissioned graffiti in the form of verbal or written contracts, often with an exchange of capital. There is a fine line between what constitutes commissioned and uncommissioned graffiti. The two classifications are so closely linked that authors, styles, forms, materials, techniques and messages of commissioned graffiti are frequently interchangeable with those of uncommissioned graffiti.

Commissioned graffiti: a mural in Barunga

Official graffiti: markings made to govern, inform, instruct and control. Institutions including businesses, local councils, government departments and other organisations predominantly author these inter-group messages in the form of official graffiti. Official graffiti includes everything from the white lines and arrows painted on road surfaces to geodetic survey markers to traffic signs.

Official graffiti, featuring uncommissioned graffiti

These classifications are based on authorship of contemporary landscape-markings as well as the permissions, or lack thereof, that legalise, or indeed criminalise the practice, rather than the core social attitudes that are attached to it. The diagram below shows that these categories are separate, yet they overlap in some instances.

Graffiti categories according to authorship

My research demonstrates that all communication through landscape-marking can be referred to as graffiti. My definition, which is less concerned with any legal and social issues, situates uncommissioned graffiti as being of equal importance in a network of visual cultures that includes murals and regulatory signs.

Jordan Ralph

This is the first of a series of blogs about my graffiti research. You can also find out more about my research via my blog or by following me on twitter: @JordsRalph

*I prefer to use the term landscape-marking over rock-art because I want to emphasise the relationship that these visual cultures have with the landscape and while I realise that rock-art is the conventional term, I believe that it relies too heavily on a single method and surface type.

My Contribution to Indexing the Tindale Collection at the South Australian Museum Archives

Blog Post 4

Jonathan Nicholls

In the 80 hours that I have spent working at the South Australian Museum Archives I have entered a total of 996 35mm colour slides from the Tindale collection into the museum’s database. The slides came from four different albums.The following albums have now been entered into the database:

  1. Series AA338/43 – Australian Anthropology – Slides Volume 16
  2. Series AA338/44 – Australian Anthropology – Slides Volume 17
  3. Series AA338/45 – Australian Anthropology – Slides Volume 18

In addition to this 75 slides from Series AA338/46 Australian Anthropology – Slides Volume 18 have been entered into the database.

Series AA338/43 and Series AA338/44 have been uploaded to the South Australian Museum’s official website, and can be viewed by clicking on the following links:

http://archives.samuseum.sa.gov.au/aa338/AA338-43.htm

http://archives.samuseum.sa.gov.au/aa338/AA338-44.htm

During the practicum I gained an idea of what is and what is not of a sensitive nature to Aboriginal peoples. Things such as ceremonies, certain items used in ceremonies, arranged stones, paintings, and human remains can all be of a sensitive nature, and therefore required restricted access or viewing. Certain items, such as bull-roarers, seem to only be of a sensitive nature if they are being used in a ceremony. Another example is that of a stone knife used in circumcisions – this did not need to be restricted as it had not been used.

The practicum also reinforced the importance of keeping accurate and detailed records throughout the project. By keeping a logbook, which was not dissimilar to an archaeological field book, I was able to double check slides which caused issues when they were being entered into the museum’s database. One of the most common issues I encountered was where part of the writing on the slides was illegible, which I had to double check later on.

Placement to Paid Employment!

Blog Post 3

Jonathan Nicholls

The time I have spent working with the South Australian Museum Archives has given me the opportunity to place my studies into a broader context. It has allowed me to apply the skills that I have acquired during my undergraduate and postgraduate studies. The placement has also given me the opportunity to gain additional theoretical and practical skills, as well as an appreciation of the roles, values, responsibilities, priorities, judgement and work methods of the industry placement provider.

The placement has also led to an offer of paid work. In particular, the South Australian Museum Archives has offered me the chance to do more database entry work as a part-time worker. As a student about to complete my studies, this offer is too good to refuse! This work also shows the value of practical work placements as part of a student’s studies.

Industry placement with the SA Museum Archives

Blog Post 1

Jonathan Nicholls

The South Australian Museum Archives contains records relating to the State’s cultural and natural heritage, collected from a variety of scientists, collection managers, directors and curators since 1856. One of the major collections in the Museum Archives is the collection of legendary archaeologist and anthropologist, Norman Barnett Tindale. It comprises the collated empirical data collected from numerous expeditions which culminated in the 1974 map and accompanying catalogue ‘Aboriginal tribes of Australia, their terrain, environmental controls, distribution, limits and proper names’. Tindale determined that the Aborigines of Australia were not wanderers without territories, but had ‘Tribal Boundaries’ a concept which was first introduced to Tindale by Maroadunei, a Ngandi songmaker from Arnhem Land, Northern Territory, on his first expedition to Groote Eylandt in 1921-22.

While there is a wealth of information in the Tindale Collection for archaeologists, ethnographers, and Aboriginal peoples, the archives are difficult to access, and generally not open to the general public. To remedy this situation, the staff at the South Australian Museum Archives and a number of volunteers are working to digitise the Tindale collection, with the intention of having the collection hosted on the Museums official website when it is completed.

I will be working on an album of 35mm colour slides (Series AA338/43 – Australian Anthropology – Slides Volume 16) and will be entering the slides into a database, along with any information which is written on the slides. This will form the basis for what will be eventually uploaded to the Museum’s official website.

References

South Australian Museum 2012a South Australian Museum Archives. Retrieved 20 May 2012 from http://www.samuseum.sa.gov.au/archives.

South Australian Museum 2012b Tindale, Dr Norman Barnett (AA 338). Retrieved 20 May 2012 from http://www.samuseum.sa.gov.au/archives/collections/aa338.

Tindale, N.B. 1974 Aboriginal tribes of Australia: Their Terrain, Environmental Controls, Distribution, Limits, and Proper Names. Berkeley: University of California Press